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핵확산을 막는 민사소송 Foreign News


핵확산을 막는 민사소송


미국의 핵확산 당국자와 전문가들은 불법 핵관련 기술 수출에 관련된 범죄자를 처벌하기 위한 새로운 방법으로 민사소송(civil litigation)의 가능성을 모색하고 있다. 이것은 민감한 핵관련 물질의 국제적인 확산을 방지하기 위한 전쟁에서 고려되고 있는 다양하고 새로운 수단 중 하나다. 컨퍼런스 참석자들은 보다 효과적으로 민감한 물질의 수출을 추적하고 수출통제를 위반한 기업에 불이익을 부과하는 조치를 제안했다.


애리조나 주립 대학의 교수이며, 국제법 및 비확산 전문가인 오디 키트리(Orde Kittrie)는 "민사소송은 확산범에 책임을 부여하는 강력한 수단이며, 핵확산을 억제할 수도 있을 것"이라고 말했다. 이들이 형사소송보다 민사소송에 더 관심을 가지게 된 배경에는 소송이 성공적일 경우 더 강한 처벌을 이끌어 낼 수 있기 때문이다. 또한 형사소송의 경우 법원의 증거 기준이 높기 때문에 승소하기 어렵고 밝혀진 증거로 구형되는 형량도 상대적으로 낮다. 실제로 일선에서 법을 집행하는 미국 상무부는 이중용도를 가진 민감한 품목의 확산을 막기 위해 경고장 발송, 거래당 250,000 달러의 벌금 부과, 수출 허가 취소 등 민사적 집행수단을 이용해 왔다고 케빈 델리-콜리(Kevin Delli-Colli) 수출 통제 차관보가 말했다.


이중용도 품목이란 미국 수출 관리 규정(U.S. Export Administration Regulations)으로 통제되는 특수 볼 베어링이나 펌프와 같은 것들로서 민수용 및 군수용으로 모두 이용되고 있다. 델리-콜리는 특별한 종류의 소프트웨어나 군사 기술도 제한 품목이라고 말했다. 이러한 품목을 수출하기 위해서 해당 미국 기업은 특별한 수출 허가를 획득해야 한다. 행선지가 이란이나 북한일 경우 수출은 금지된다.



수출 통제의 성공사례는 남아프리카공화국에서 활동한 이스라엘인 아셀 카르니(Asher Karni)를 기소한 것이 있다. 그는 파키스탄에 200개의 트리거 스파크 갭(triggered spark gaps)을 판매한 혐의를 받았는데, 그 품목은 민수용이기도 하지만 핵폭탄 기폭장치에 사용될 수도 있는 것이다. 2005년 미국 연방법원은 카르니에게 3년형을 선고했다.


전문가들은 민사소송이 확산범이 불법 핵무기 기술 거래에 위험성을 늘려 해이해졌거나 비양심적인 수출업자를 강하게 억제할 수 있다고 말한다. 지난주 개최된 컨퍼런스에 참석한 수십 명의 미국 및 유럽 정부 당국자들과 전문가들은 세계의 비확산 노력이 위기에 처해 있다는 점에 동의한 것으로 보인다. 현재의 자발적인 사찰이나 유엔 제재가 이란이 핵무기 개발을 막지 못한다면, 전반적인 확산이 추가로 급속히 발생할 것이라고 여러 참석자들이 강조했다. 이란을 비롯한 확산국이 테러리스트에게 핵무기 재료나 기술을 넘기는 것은 또 다른 우려를 낳고 있다.


최근 여러 사례에서 민사소송을 이용해 불법 핵관련 밀수를 근절하는데 관심이 증가하는 것이 나타나고 있다. 그 중 하나는 미국 재무부가 이란의 자산을 동결하고 미국 기업이 핵무기 프로그램과 관련이 있는 것으로 보이는 이란 기업이나 은행과 거래하지 못하게 한 것이 거둔 성공이다. 이런 제한으로 인해 이란은 에너지 프로젝트에서 금융적인 곤란을 겪고 있다. 재무부가 백악관으로부터 이런 권한을 획득하기 시작한 것은 부시 행정부 시절인 2006년이었으며 오바마 행정부에서도 계속되고 있다. 또한 민사소송은 관련 분야인 대테러 활동에서도 성과를 보이고 있다.






Proliferation Watchdogs Eye Litigation to Combat Illicit Trafficking



Friday, Oct. 30, 2009

By Elaine M. Grossman

STEYNING, United Kingdom -- U.S. nonproliferation officials and experts are exploring the potential use of civil litigation as a new way to penalize those involved in the illicit export of nuclear-related technology (see GSN, Oct. 16).



This is just one of a variety of fresh tools aimed at combating the international proliferation of sensitive nuclear-related materials. Others recommended at a conference here include measures to more effectively track sensitive exports and to encourage divestment in companies that have violated export controls (see related GSN story, today).

"Civil litigation has the potential to ... be a powerful tool in holding proliferators accountable, and in some cases even deterring them," said Orde Kittrie, an Arizona State University professor specializing in international law and nonproliferation.

Interest in civil litigation is growing based on the view that successful lawsuits might yield even stronger penalties for proliferators than criminal prosecution has typically produced. Criminal convictions have been difficult to achieve because of high courtroom standards for evidence, and sentencing has been relatively light for those few found guilty to date.

"The immense profits [of] such activities often easily outweigh the penalties imposed," said Victor Comras, an attorney and consultant on international sanctions and export control issues.

"Prosecutions are critical but they are very hard to pull off and too often don't result in substantial penalties," according to Leonard Spector, deputy director of the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies. "So we need to be using other tools in addition."

For day-to-day enforcement, the U.S. Commerce Department has used an array of civil enforcement mechanisms to curb proliferation of dual-use and sensitive items, according to Kevin Delli-Colli, acting assistant commerce secretary for export enforcement. Those include warning letters, monetary fines of up to $250,000 per transaction, and denial of export privileges, he said.

Dual-use commodities controlled by U.S. Export Administration Regulations include items -- like specialized ball bearings or pumps -- that have both commercial and military applications. Other restricted items include particular kinds of software and militarily sensitive technologies, Delli-Colli said.

To sell these goods abroad, U.S. companies are required to obtain an export license under certain circumstances. In some instances, export would be prohibited, such as to proscribed destinations like Iran or North Korea.

One successful U.S. government prosecution was against Asher Karni, an Israeli citizen working in South Africa, for being part of a conspiracy to sell nuclear-weapon materials to Pakistan. The case focused on the sale of 200 triggered spark gaps, a technology with civil applications that can also be used in detonating nuclear devices. In 2005, a U.S. federal court sentenced Karni to three years in prison (see GSN, Aug. 7, 2008).

Taking proliferators to civil court could hold the additional promise of raising the financial stakes for trafficking in illegal nuclear weapons technology, according to experts. That, in turn, might act as a serious deterrent to lax or unscrupulous exporters.

"There is growing recognition in many countries that victims should ... have the means to hold those culprits responsible for their injuries civilly and [financially] responsible for the damage they cause," Comras said.

Civil cases might piggyback onto successful criminal prosecutions -- heightening the penalty for violators -- or represent the sole financial punishment in cases where criminal prosecution has failed.

At the conference here last week, more than three dozen U.S. and European government officials and issue experts appeared to agree that the world's nonproliferation efforts stand at a perilous tipping point.

If global regimes such as voluntary inspections and U.N. sanctions are unable to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, barriers to further proliferation in the region and around the globe could fall rapidly, several participants remarked. The possibility that Iran or others might transfer nuclear-weapon materials or technologies to terrorists is another looming worry.

Ground rules for the Wilton Park conference on new approaches to penalizing nuclear smuggling, held south of London in the West Sussex countryside, were that participants offering remarks would not be named. Those specifically identified in this article gave Global Security Newswire permission to do so.

A number of recent developments have prompted heightened interest in the potential use of civil litigation to help stem illicit nuclear-related trafficking.

One is the U.S. Treasury Department's success in freezing Iranian assets and preventing U.S. citizens from doing business with banks or other entities that support Iran's suspected nuclear-weapon program. These actions have limited Tehran's ability to secure credit for energy project transactions, among other things (see GSN, Oct. 9).

Drawing authority from executive orders issued by the White House, Treasury's crackdown began in 2006 during the Bush administration and is likely to continue under President Barack Obama, a key department official recently testified(see GSN, Oct. 7).

Meanwhile, civil litigation has demonstrated some success in a related arena: countering terrorism.

A federal court in September 2007 found Iran responsible for supporting terrorists in the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Marine Corps barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, and blocked Tehran's ability to access $2.6 billion of its funds in U.S. banks. The civil lawsuitwas filed by relatives of the 241 U.S. military personnel killed in the bombing.

Though plaintiffs' attorneys are still fighting to win U.S. government approval for release of Iranian funds to victims' families, the court has already acted to freeze these huge investment accounts. That alone has imposed a steep financial penalty on Iran, experts said.

The impact of such actions is beginning to add up, according to Iran-watchers. Last year, 60 Iranian economists issued an open letter warningthat Tehran's confrontational approach was costing the nation "a heavy price" in lost trade and investment.

A key lesson learned from these developments is that taking direct action to hamstring a nation's economic institutions can be speedier and more effective than the application of traditional sanctions, under which typically slow-to-act national or international political entities block the shipment of goods (see GSN, Feb. 23).



Source : KISTI, gsn.nti.org




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